Schumer Backs Senate Staff Diversity Effort

The next Senate Minority Leader is backing a measure to establish a permanent office focused on boosting staff diversity in the next Congress.

New York Democrat Charles E. Schumer supports a resolution that the Senate Black Legislative Staff Caucus recommended to Senate offices last month. It would establish a nonpartisan office to assist in developing and implementing plans to diversify the ranks of Senate aides.

[ Senate Staff Diversity Efforts Turn to New Congress ]

The office would also focus on collecting data on staff diversity. Currently no entity is tasked with doing so, a factor that is blocking solutions, according to some staffers.

A Dec. 2015 Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies report found racial disparities among senior Senate staff. Of 336 top Senate staffers, the report found 24 aides of color. Twelve were Asian-American, seven were Latino, three were African-American and two were Native-American. The disparities among senior staff are prevalent on both sides of the aisle.

[ Black Senate Staffers Push for More Diversity ]

"Having the support and leadership of Senator Schumer, the incoming Democratic leader, is an important first step toward making the Senate more representative of the diverse communities we serve," said Senate Black Legislative Staff Caucus president Don Bell. "We look forward to working with Senator Schumer and others in a bipartisan manner in the 115th Congress."

Bell said the caucus believes there is "growing bipartisan support" for the SBLSC and other staff associations' recommendations.

While Schumer’s support is noteworthy, it is not clear if the resolution will be taken up on the Senate floor. A spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell did not immediately respond to a request for the Kentucky Republican’s position on the resolution.

But in the meantime, Schumer plans to continue a diversity initiative created by departing Minority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev. Schumer’s office will also fostor a separate diversity effort led by Democratic Sens. Brian Schatz of Hawaii and Cory Booker of New Jersey.

“Adding a nonpartisan diversity office to our ongoing diversity initiative would be a huge boost to make the Senate all it can be,” Schumer said.

Contact Bowman at bridgetbowman@rollcall.com and follow her on Twitter @bridgetbhc.

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Several important groups of lawmakers will have outsized roles influencing the immigration debate in the 115th Congress. They include:

Ten Democrats from states won by Donald Trump are up for re-election in 2018, and all voted for the Senate immigration bill in 2013. They include Joe Manchin III of West Virginia, Jon Tester of Montana, Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota and Joe Donnelly of Indiana, who all could face tough Republican challenges. All have a history of bucking their leadership, but would they stick with Democrats to block GOP bills that don’t address undocumented workers? Tester said he’ll wait and see, but told Roll Call that “if it’s about making sure our borders are secure, it’s going to be tough not to vote for that.”

Eleven of the 14 Republicans who voted for the Senate immigration bill in 2013 are returning to Congress next year. Marco Rubio of Florida, a member of the Gang of Eight that wrote the measure, abandoned the comprehensive premise as he caught flak back home for supporting amnesty. Jeff Flake of Arizona, another Gang of Eight member, is up for re-election in 2018. So too is Nevada’s Dean Heller. Flake has said he’ll vote for standalone bills on border security though John McCain, his Arizona colleague, has said he still wants a comprehensive bill. Any Republican lost from this group means another Democrat will have to come on board.

House Speaker Paul D. Ryan has always indicated an openness to creating a pathway to legal status for the undocumented, but the landscape will be much different in 2017. He will need to thread the needle among immigration hard-liners, Republicans and the House Freedom Caucus. In the Senate, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell largely stayed on the sidelines during the last immigration debate. Both have already said that “border security” is a top priority.

As Judiciary chairman, Rep. Robert W. Goodlatte of Virginia has sway over immigration legislation and has shown a willingness to advance bills designed to enhance visa security and to crack down on asylum opportunities for undocumented border-crossers. Goodlatte, a former immigration attorney, said in 2014 that undocumented immigrants should be offered “appropriate status” after the border is secured. The Judiciary Committee, though, is stacked with conservatives, such as Louie Gohmert of Texas, eager to pursue Trump’s agenda. Rep. Trey Gowdy of South Carolina, current chairman of the Immigration subcommittee, can serve as a middleman between Goodlatte and hard-liners like Rep. Steve King of Iowa.

Democratic Reps. Luis Gutiérrez of Illinois and Zoe Lofgren of California will play lead roles in opposing tough enforcement legislation that Trump may want to move through the House. Gutierrez is the overhaul movement’s emotional standard-bearer and Lofgren is a former immigration lawyer. They, along with key House appropriator Lucille Roybal-Allard of California, have already called on President Barack Obama to shield Dreamers from Trump. While they support border security and interior enforcement as part of a comprehensive package, they are unlikely to work with Trump without assurances that might assuage fears in the immigrant community.

The 40-something group of House conservatives occupies a unique role in this debate. Many are full-throated supporters of Trump’s border security and enforcement agenda, but they are also fiercely opposed to steep increases in federal spending. If Trump requests untold billions to build hundreds of miles of border fencing, Freedom Caucus members will have to weigh their priorities. Many are also social conservatives and may feel a moral opposition to harsh enforcement measures targeting families or children. Members Jim Jordan of Ohio, the group’s outgoing chairman, and Raúl Labrador of Idaho both sit on the Judiciary Committee.

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Word on the Hill: Happy Holidays

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Since they usually jump-start around Thanksgiving, we are well into the time of Frosty and Rudolph and Tiny Tim fronting animated specials, annual favorites and tinsel-soaked movies of the week that end with the battling protagonists making up under the mistletoe.

Do we believe in Santa? I have to get back to you on that one. But I do have my favorites, all with the theme of redemption: Charlie Brown’s taunting gang recognizing the beauty of his scrawny tree; old Ebenezer Scrooge (Alastair Sim in the best version) waking up on Christmas morning, amazed that he indeed has time to be a good man, and, of course, the Grinch with his Grinchy small heart growing three sizes.

Most know these shows by heart, yet eyes moisten each time the Grinch, courtesy of Dr. Seuss, realizes “something he hadn’t before. What if Christmas, he thought, doesn’t come from a store? What if Christmas, perhaps, means a little bit more.” These moments teach love and forgiveness and the meaning of the holiday, lessons that hit home because of their simplicity.

In any year, with retail and toy stores — both at the mall and online — becoming battlegrounds, a little reflection would be welcome. In 2016, with the results of Election Day still raging, and competing political operatives raising the stakes and their voices everywhere, including the halls of Harvard, only the Grinch, at his worst, could make sense of it.

High-minded messages ring hollow when, for starters, wishing your neighbor good cheer could start a brawl.

Was there ever a sillier argument than the one over a supposed “war on Christmas”? According to former Donald Trump campaign manager and forever supporter Corey Lewandowski and his fellow soldiers, there was indeed a fantasy world where devout Americans were prevented from saying “Merry Christmas,” and it has now been replaced with one where we will all be forced to say it or there will be hell to pay.

[Opinion: Will Big Lies Insinuate Themselves Into Trump Policies?]

Isn’t the wild bidding over the hot toy a mite more offensive than choice of greeting? A happy hello of any sort is welcome during any time of year, so watching Lewandowski shout about this “victory” in a nonexistent war sucked all the holiday, excuse me, Christmas spirit out of me.

And Trump’s other helpers? An Energy secretary, former Texas governor and Republican presidential candidate Rick Perry, who wanted to scrap that department, though at a 2011 debate, it took him a while to recall its name; a secretary of State, Exxon Mobil CEO Rex Tillerson, with ties to Russia that he will be asked about at confirmation hearings; at Housing and Urban Development, Ben Carson, who equated the Obama administration’s anti-discrimination attempts in public housing to “failed socialist experiments”; Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt leading the EPA, which he has sued, and many more.

There are signs that these choices were made because of the appointees’ very intransigence on core issues, interpreting election results as a desire for a drastic change in the country’s direction. Yet Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton did win the popular vote while losing the presidency, and President Barack Obama is riding pretty high approval ratings out of office.

It’s a contradiction, just as those who hate government in general like their own representatives. And it’s repeated when harsh feelings on the national stage soften and sometimes disappear altogether when reduced to neighbors and neighborhoods, when those who may disagree on politics come together to fill baskets at churches, synagogues or mosques and fulfill every wish on an angel tree.

When the two starving children huddled under the robe of the Ghost of Christmas Present — Ignorance and Want — are revealed, a shocked Scrooge has his words thrown back at him: “Are there no prisons? Are there no work houses?” Seasonal specials often go quite dark before the main characters see the light, before the Grinch sees Christmas arrive without “Who Hoovers, Gar Ginkers and Trum Tupers.” Poor Charlie Brown is close to a breakdown before his buddies come through, and George Bailey in “It’s a Wonderful Life” is literally about to jump off a bridge.

In a country where hate crimes are on the rise, how low must we go before redemption?

[Opinion: Hope for a United Future in America's Divided Past]

So while Scrooge-style transformation looks slim, perhaps a pause and a little humility are all that’s needed — a moment to entertain from every vantage point the possibility that those on the opposite side may have a point, may be intelligent and worthy of respect.

After a rancorous election, and in an age of age of certainty and righteousness, that would indeed be a holiday miracle.

Roll Call columnist Mary C. Curtis has worked at The New York Times, The Baltimore Sun and The Charlotte Observer. Follow her on Twitter @mcurtisnc3.Get breaking news alerts and more from Roll Call on your iPhone or your Android.

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In the extraordinary public dispute between Donald Trump and the CIA, one man finds himself in a particularly tricky position: the president-elect’s nominee to lead the agency, Rep. Mike Pompeo.

The tea party Republican from Kansas, who is expected to win Senate confirmation, will have to repair a relationship between Trump and the CIA that has been battered by the president-elect’s repeated disparagement of the agency’s capabilities and competence.

“I think that we’ve never quite seen a moment like this in agency history where an incoming president was so openly critical and questioning of the agency’s integrity,” said Dennis Wilder, a former senior CIA official who retired this year. “I think Pompeo’s on a bit of a hot seat going into this job because he’s going to have to bridge both sides of this, and he’s going to have to convince President Trump that agency reporting and analysis is both valuable and has integrity to it.”

During the presidential campaign, Trump repeatedly dismissed the intelligence community’s assessment that Russia was behind the hacking of Democratic Party institutions.

The already testy relationship then took a nosedive following The Washington Post report last week of a CIA assessment that Russian-orchestrated hacking during the U.S. elections aimed to help Trump win.

The Trump transition team responded with a blistering statement, saying “these are the same people that said Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.”

[Trump Openly Clashes With CIA Before Taking Office]

The president-elect doubled down on Sunday, telling Fox News that the reports were “ridiculous” and that intelligence officials “have no idea if it's Russia or China or somebody. It could be somebody sitting in a bed some place.”

Seemingly for good measure, Trump then tweeted on Monday: “Can you imagine if the election results were the opposite and WE tried to play the Russia/CIA card. It would be called conspiracy theory!”

Those statements have not gone over well at the agency, which views itself as a non-partisan institution that delivers clear-eyed analysis without a political bent.

Leading the CIA is a challenging, all-consuming job at any time. Leading the agency when the president has publicly disparaged its work for months adds an additional twist.

John McLaughlin, a former deputy director and acting director of the CIA, said Pompeo should focus on the basics to win the agency’s trust and confidence.

“All a CIA Director needs to do to succeed is to approach the issues dispassionately, make sure all the evidence is taken into account, lay out what is actually known, what is less certain, and what conclusions logically come out of that,” McLaughlin said in an email.

[White House Only Probing Russian Hacking Because Clinton Lost, Trump Says]

“It's up to Trump then to decide whether that approach merits trust. This may take some time and experience with success and failure — all administrations experience both — before the pattern and dynamics become clear.”

One of the concerns from the CIA’s perspective is whether the director has the president’s ear and can get the agency’s work on the executive’s desk.

“We want our director to have that personal link with the president because we know that’s how we get our information into the decision making process,” said Wilder, who now teaches at Georgetown University. “So people will have expectations that Pompeo can get over this hurdle with the president. And so there will be high expectations on it. He’s not in a comfortable position.”

Periods of history when the CIA felt it was out of the loop are etched into the agency’s institutional memory. One of the most notable instances occurred during the Clinton administration, when CIA Director James Woolsey never had a one-on-one meeting with the president.

Woolsey, who now serves as an occasional adviser to the Trump team on national security, said his relationship with Bill Clinton gnawed at CIA morale over time because “it began to give people the impression that there was some distance between the agency and the president.”

One way for Pompeo to demonstrate access is through the President’s Daily Brief, or PDB, a highly classified daily briefing that gives the commander in chief a run-down of the most important national security items.

“They’re not long,” said Wilder, who edited the PDB for six years. “The goal is to be very concise, pack it with really good information but not overdo it.”

Trump has been eligible to receive a PDB since winning the election. So far, however, he has received only a few classified briefings.

“I get it when I need it,” he told Fox News Sunday. “You know, I’m, like, a smart person. I don’t have to be told the same thing in the same words every single day for the next eight years.”

[Podcast: CIA Russian Hacking Assessment Roils Congress]

The agency will look to Pompeo to get Trump to agree to take the daily briefing, “and if he’s not able to do that, there will be disappointment in him,” Wilder said.

Over the years, the intelligence community has tweaked the briefing to the tastes of the president, and it will do the same to cater to Trump’s preferences.

President George W. Bush, for example, had a long briefing book that would often include individual pieces of raw intelligence from the field. Bush would gather his national security team in the Oval Office to watch him as he read, and he would often turn to someone in the room to discuss a particular item.

President Barack Obama, in contrast, prefers a shorter book with bottom-line information that has been fully vetted. His average PDB has around a half-dozen articles, each of which averages a couple of pages. Obama tends to read it on his own and then discuss it later with his team.

Many congressional colleagues believe that Pompeo, who finished first in his class from the U.S. Military Academy and served as a tank commander in Germany at the end of the Cold War, has the temperament and skills to serve as the bridge between Langley and the White House.

Even Democrats who have worked with Pompeo on the House Intelligence Committee have praised him as smart, hard-working man who is in many ways a good fit for the job.

But Rep. Adam B. Schiff, the top Democrat on the panel, has also expressed reservations about what he says is Pompeo’s proclivity for partisanship and strong policy views, such as his opposition to the Iran nuclear deal.

“He’s going to have to put that completely aside,” Schiff said.

Woolsey, who spent two years at the helm of the CIA, agreed.

“You shouldn’t let your political views interfere with your intelligence assessments. Whether it’s your political views of someone else’s political views,” he said. “I think Mike has that instinct.”

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