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Nov. 20, 2008 – 7:21 p.m.
Waxman’s Version of Change Arose Quietly
By Coral Davenport, CQ Staff
The day after Barack Obama won a resounding victory in the presidential sweepstakes, Rep. Henry A. Waxman , D-Calif., started making phone calls.
He had decided to harness Obama’s message of change to launch a bold campaign to topple the House’s longest-serving member, John D. Dingell , from his perch atop one of the most powerful committees in Congress. Waxman’s first call went to Dingell.
“I told him what I planned do,” Waxman said. “He did not agree with what I was doing.”
The gamble paid off Thursday, when House Democrats voted 137-122 to unseat Dingell, 82, as chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee. The 69-year-old Waxman — first elected to the House 34 years ago in the aftermath of Watergate — took a page from Obama’s playbook and cast himself to colleagues as an agent of change.
In a methodical, behind-the-scenes campaign, Waxman called on fellow liberals and Californians, his natural allies, for support. He also called many of the party’s “old bulls” — committee chairmen and senior members who would most likely side with Dingell.
“He talked to me and told me he was running on change,” said Charles B. Rangel , D-N.Y., powerful chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. “I told him, ‘I don’t want change!’”
But Waxman’s message did resonate with many other Democrats, especially younger and newly elected lawmakers, as well as those who want to push an aggressive agenda on environmental and energy issues. Environmentalists have criticized Dingell, an ardent defender of his home state’s auto industry, for moving too slowly on legislation to restrict greenhouse gas emissions.
“Waxman won on ideology and generation,” said Bill Pascrell Jr. , D- N.J., “I think it was basically the freshmen and sophomores who decided this election. They were the force in this. And they should be a force in how we decide things.”
Florida Democrat Debbie Wasserman Schultz , who was just elected to her third term, said Waxman’s appeal struck a chord with younger members inspired by Obama.
“His focus was on change, the fact that we need to move forward aggressively,” she said.
In addition to making that philosophical appeal, Waxman strategically gave financial help to the House campaigns of younger Democrats, using his political action committee to donate as much as two to five times as much as Dingell to individual candidates.
Many of Dingell’s backers said they thought younger members, typically respectful of the institutions of seniority and leadership, would defer to the veteran committee chairman.
Waxman’s challenge initially seemed to catch Dingell off guard, but he fought back with a public campaign designed to demonstrate his support. Dingell rolled out lists of supporters and lined up backing of key constituencies, including members of the moderate Blue Dog Coalition and the House’s caucuses of black and Hispanic lawmakers.
Waxman’s Version of Change Arose Quietly
Dingell’s campaign centered on respect for the House’s seniority system and an emphasis on his legendary legislative skills. Supporters argued that Dingell left his mark on landmark legislation that curbed air pollution, protected endangered species and extended health care for children.
As the top Democrat on the Energy and Commerce Committee since 1981, Dingell expanded the panel’s jurisdictional reach to touch almost every corner of domestic policy. But that reputation may have been less of a factor for younger members of the Democratic caucus.
“I haven’t been around here long enough to immerse myself in these leadership battles,” said Peter Welch of Vermont, who was just elected to a second term. “I have an immense amount of respect for Mr. Dingell, but the environment is a huge issue.”
Waxman, currently chairman of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, is himself a fixture in the House, where he has served since the Ford administration. His outreach to colleagues was aggressive but strategic — his supporters never publicly showed their hand before the caucus vote.
“He’s not one of those people who pushes his way through things,” said Hilda L. Solis , a Californian who sits on the Energy and Commerce panel, but who did not declare her support for Waxman until after the vote. “He’s very quiet, strategic, methodical. But he did show the need, the urgency for change.”
In her speech before the caucus supporting Waxman, Illinois Democrat Jan Schakowsky held up a big bag of Utz potato chips, pointed to the rectangular box on the package listing calories, cholesterol and saturated fat content, and declared, “Because of Henry we have this.”
She then held up an amber-colored prescription vial and an apple as emblems of Waxman’s work to promote cheaper generic drugs and restrictions on the use of pesticides on fruit and vegetables.
Waxman’s successful challenge was the culmination of a rivalry with Dingell that dates back to the 1980s, when the two clashed on some environmental issues. An uneasy truce collapsed this year when Dingell revived a proposal to bar states such as California from setting tougher vehicle emissions standards than the federal government.
Waxman said it was a personal affront and vowed that he had Dingell would “have a fight” over it.
“This has been coming for a long time,” Solis said.
Michael Teitelbaum contributed to this story.




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