CQ WEEKLY
– IN FOCUS
Oct. 25, 2008 – 12:27 a.m.
Will the ‘Real America’ Please Stand Up?
By David Nather, CQ Staff
There might have been a time when Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin could talk about “the real America” without causing a big uproar, or when Republican Rep. Michele Bachmann of Minnesota could get away with questioning the patriotism of the Democratic presidential nominee. But not this year, and not the way they did it.
Last week, Palin apologized for praising “the real America” and “pro-America areas of this great nation” at a North Carolina fundraiser. And Bachmann put her re-election in jeopardy after an appearance on MSNBC’s “Hardball” in which she pondered the possibility that Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama “may have anti-American views” and challenged the news media to produce an “expose” of whether members of Congress are “pro-America or anti-America.”
Palin and Bachmann got the most attention for their remarks, but many Republicans on the trail have recently invoked the notion that they stood for genuine American values while the Democratic opposition scorned such things. Nancy Pfotenhauer, a top adviser to Republican presidential nominee John McCain , claimed that “real Virginia” would support him even if he didn’t gain traction in the Democratic-dominated northern part of the commonwealth. Rep. Robin Hayes of North Carolina claimed that “liberals hate real Americans that work and accomplish and achieve and believe in God,” and Rep. John R. “Randy” Kuhl Jr. of New York said Democrats want Americans to “suffer” for their own political gain.
Their comments fueled a backlash that seemed unusually strong, given that Republicans have drawn more public support in past years with only slightly milder appeals to patriotism and the virtues of small-town America. Even Palin drew praise, not jeers, for noting in her convention speech that “we grow good people in our small towns” who “do some of the hardest work” and are “always proud of America” (though a chorus of liberal jeers eventually rose when the lines were attributed to the late extreme-right columnist Westbrook Pegler).
The difference this time, say some GOP strategists, is that these Republicans went overboard with their rhetoric and actively shut out large groups of people. Others, however, believe the significance of the controversy goes beyond rhetorical excess. Democratic strategists see the backlash as a sign of broader damage to the credibility of the Republican Party, while outside analysts think the party has misjudged the public’s appetite for such attacks at a time of widespread economic anxiety.
It’s not that the culture wars are dead, they say, but anyone who tries to revive them now — from McCain and Palin on down to the congressional level — is tone-deaf to the mood of the public.
“We had the luxury, perhaps, to be able to deal with that kind of politics of values division in the past. We don’t have that kind of luxury now,” said John Kenneth White, a professor of politics at Catholic University and author of the CQ Press title, “The Values Divide: American Politics and Culture in Transition.”
With all of the serious issues at stake in this election, White said, “the Republicans find themselves in a situation where the old rules of politics simply don’t work anymore.”
Kathleen Parker, a conservative columnist who has called for Palin to step down from the McCain ticket, said the old narrative of elites vs. rural America has worked before because there is some truth in it; people in rural areas often do feel that they’re viewed with contempt by people who live in big cities and have postgraduate degrees. “Unfortunately, McCain has decided to get elected on that,” she said, while Obama has built his career on a message with broader appeal — that “we’re not that, we’re one America.”
With the exception of the Republican base, Parker said, “most Americans don’t want to demonize their fellow citizens, even if they disagree with their politics.”
Division Problems
To Republican strategists, the big mistake of the “real America” and “anti-America” statements is that they turn the focus away from a contest of ideas and divide the country into good and bad people, a message that inevitably drives a significant chunk of the candidates’ intended audience away from what they have to say.
“When you label somebody as anti-America or you call them liberals, those are tag lines that are more about what’s wrong with them as people than what’s wrong with their policies,” said Kevin Madden, a veteran of former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney’s presidential campaign. And because such statements are immediately circulated through e-mail, blogs and YouTube, “the speed with which these things are echoed and magnified is so much greater,” he said.
Will the ‘Real America’ Please Stand Up?
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Trent Duffy, a former White House spokesman under President Bush, noted that candidates from both parties have always talked about the virtues of people who work hard and play by the rules, but suggesting that they all live in one area “pits one part of the country against another.” And when a candidate uses terms like “anti-America,” he said, “you bring up memories of McCarthyism. Those are fighting words.”
Still, it was only six years ago that President Bush provoked an angry outburst by then-Majority Leader Tom Daschle by claiming that the Senate, under Democratic control, was “not interested in the security of the American people.” Republicans didn’t suffer at the polls in the 2002 elections, and, in fact, they regained control of the Senate.
And Jeane Kirkpatrick drew cheers at the 1984 Republican convention with her speech scolding the “blame America first” crowd, a line removed from the “anti-America” statements only by a matter of degrees. President Ronald Reagan went on to win re-election in a landslide.
That’s why other analysts believe there is more at work this year than just clumsy execution of standard attack lines. One jarring indicator: A poll of rural voters in 13 battleground states released last week by Greenberg Quinlan Rosner, a Democratic polling firm, found a virtual tie in the presidential race, with 46 percent supporting Obama and 45 percent favoring McCain. That’s down from the 10-percentage-point lead McCain had in September, the firm reported — and it is even more significant given that Bush won these voters by 15 points in 2004.
Anna Greenberg, a pollster who worked on the survey, said the change is probably a reflection of recent surveys suggesting that the public thinks McCain’s campaign has been more negative than Obama’s. And Obama’s genuine appeal to many rural voters makes the “real America” lines even less effective, she said, because “if you’re talking about Obama not being part of real America, and you’re saying it in places where people are for Obama, that’s going to create a backlash.”
And at a more basic level, the economic meltdown makes patriotism and national security less relevant for many voters than it was during the height of the Cold War or in the period right after the Sept. 11 attacks, Greenberg said. So when McCain and Palin launch attacks based on those issues, she said, “people say, ‘Why are we having this conversation?’”
‘Here They Go Again’
Some Democratic strategists believe the backlash is a sign of how far the credibility of the Republican Party has fallen under Bush, a situation made worse by all of the McCain campaign robo-calls linking Obama to William Ayers, the former member of a militant Vietnam War protest group that carried out several bombings.
“It’s a wounded brand. . . . Everyone just says, ‘Oh, here they go again,’ ” said Dave “Mudcat” Saunders, a strategist based in Roanoke, Va., who helps Democrats target rural voters. “Eight years ago, where I live, you couldn’t find anyone who admitted they voted for a Democrat. Now, you can’t find anyone who will admit they voted for a Republican.”
There’s more at work than just the declining fortunes of one party, though, according to other analysts. Several said the recent comments reflect “frustration” among Republican candidates — not just because of the increasingly likely prospect of losing the White House as well as forfeiting more ground in Congress, but also because of demographic changes that, according to White of Catholic University, are upsetting the balance of the values divide to the point where “one side is winning.”
The growing Hispanic population is changing the dynamic in places like Orange County, Calif., where Democratic Rep. Loretta Sanchez now represents a district that used to be a core of Reagan’s support. “What happened in Orange County is now happening in a lot of places,” including Colorado and Iowa, White said. Meanwhile, people on the conservative side of the culture wars find themselves outnumbered as married couples — particularly with young children living at home — have become a minority of the population, he said.
“Tolerance becomes the pre-eminent virtue” among the growing percentage of Americans who don’t live in traditional families, White said. “And when they perceive that it’s not being practiced by the other side, there’s an even greater outcry.”
Will the ‘Real America’ Please Stand Up?
Parker says that the GOP’s effort to play up its real American credentials has been blunted by the Iraq War — which grew in part from similar appeals to patriotism — and by McCain’s Ayers strategy. Trying to paint Obama as a friend of terrorists, she said, “has tripped something in fair-minded Americans.”
But more broadly, she sees a general anxiety in the country that started with the Sept. 11 attacks but has intensified with the economic turmoil and the uncertainty with the transition to a new administration. “There is a level of unease out there that’s understandable,” Parker said, “but the last thing we need to do is feed it.”
That doesn’t necessarily mean the anxiety, or Republicans’ declining fortunes, will last beyond this election. Saunders, in particular, warns Democrats not to convince themselves that they’ve won a breakthrough because of their own strategic brilliance. “The cultural wedges are still there. God, guns, gays — it’s still all there,” he said. For now, though, the Palins and Bachmanns seem to be doing the Democrats’ work for them.
FOR FURTHER READING: Palin and social conservatives, CQ Weekly, p. 2356; 2002 election and national security, 2002 Almanac, p. 1-7.




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